260-287. Piven starts from Marx’s insight that the structural position of workers in production gives them power when they collectively withhold labor or refuse to obey managerial commands. The thin model defines reciprocity as an exchange of equivalents between two individuals where there is an expectation that the balancing will occur relatively quickly. Moreover, if they engage in the rational calculus proposed by Mancur Olson (1971), they would immediately recognize that it is to their advantage to “free ride” on the protest activities of their neighbors or co-workers and only a handful of ideologically inclined militants would actually risk reprisals for engaging in disruptive actions. Bugra, Ayse and Kaan Agartan, eds. This civilization was different from all other human societies in which the economy was “embedded” in social institutions. More people were working in large organizations and also had to recognize that their livelihoods and prosperity were increasingly dependent on events and people on the other side of the world. (Silver and Arrighi 2003 make the point that there is no double movement in colonized societies because of the effectiveness of repression.). Polanyi, Karl (2001 ). Politics & Society 31 (June), pp. 63Just as in the early 19th century, it became appealing for many to seek to protest and oppose this oppressive “reality of society” by embracing the utopia of self-regulating markets. 1 This essay builds on Block (2000), Block (2003), Block (2007), Block (forthcoming) and Somers and Block (2005). 247-270. The movement for laissez-faire within nations has been strengthened by invoking the authority of the global hegemon ; the social groups that amass behind the banner of laissez-faire have been able to claim that their nation would become an isolated backwater if it failed to expand the scope of markets. Ultimately, the severity of the Great Depression lifted the ideological blinders, and in the last years of W.W. II, the world’s political leaders were able to agree on a new global monetary system that fixed many of the weaknesses of the Gold Standard. 49Three factors help account for how long it took before the protective counter movement could make a significant challenge in the U.S. So while capitalists tended to participate in the movement for laissez-faire and workers in protective counter movements, things do not always line up so neatly. June, pp. Great Transformations : Economic Ideas and Institutional Change in the 20th Century. 36The problem of explaining solidarity has plagued social theory long before Durkheim made it the central category in The Division of Labor (1997 ). Block, Fred (2000). “Corporate Honesty and Business Education : A Behavioral Model”, pp. March, pp. Polanyi developed the double movement to explain the breakdown of classical liberal capitalism in the 1930s and the transformation of economies, societies and polities in the decades that followed. Groups within nations might well argue for greater reliance on markets in particular policy areas, but such arguments would likely be tested pragmatically rather than being granted some kind of epistemological privilege (Somers and Block 2005). 22In its specifics, the double movement is a theory of politics in societies that are at least nominally democratic and where citizens have a set of basic political rights. 33Moreover, movements can work to create the very circumstances in which the exercise of disruptive power becomes feasible. On the other side has been the movement of protection–the initiatives, again by a wide range of social actors, to insulate the fabric of social life from the destructive impact of market pressures. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. But she then argues that in the complex division of labor and spatial organization of industrial and postindustrial societies, many different groups have the opportunity to exercise interdependent power by collectively refusing to follow the standard institutional routines.
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